What is the fuss about Wyclef Jean’s dismissal?

Published in the Editorials of the Haitian Times – Week of September 22 -28, 2011

As a Political Scientist, I was offended, upset and embarrassed by the candidacy of Wyclef Jean.  I tried not to write about it but his reluctance to let go forced me to put my two cents in this drama.

I was offended because of the value I put in having a good education and a university degree; upset because I felt that Mr. Jean was ill advised and embarrassed because I know Haiti has better choices.

I was actually in Haiti the day he declared his candidacy and watching his followers dancing and chanting as they gathered throughout the neighborhood of Delmas was pitiful.  These are children with their pants way down the waist not knowing why they are supporting him besides his fame.

Before traveling to Haiti in early August, as it was evident that Mr. Jean would announce his candidacy as a contender for Haiti’s president, I was stunned when one of my colleagues came to my office and said to me “how low can Haiti go, Wyclef for president?”, as if to make fun of me.  I am sure that I am not the only Haitian to whom this has been said.  My concern now is how Haiti is being perceived by the world after Wyclef’s bid?  Whatever it is, it can’t be good. 

Lately, there has been a fuss about the dismissal of Mr. Jean’s bid for the presidency of Haiti.  As Haitian, Mr. Jean has the right to run for president provided that he is eligible.  As it turns out, he is not eligible to run for president of Haiti.  Whether or not we agree with it, among other things, the 1987 constitution of Haiti clearly states that a five consecutive years of residency inside the country is required for anyone to be eligible to run for president.  Mr. Jean does not meet this requirement and therefore forfeits his bid for the presidency of Haiti. Did he not know that one would ask such a fundamental question?  Apparently not.

It is important to note that back in January 2007, Mr. Jean was officially named a Roving Ambassador to Haiti by president Préval for his resilient work in lobbying the US Government to pass a trade bill (the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity Through Partnership Encourage Act (HOPE) that would benefit Haiti’s textile industry and for his support of Haiti through his Yélé Haiti foundation.  Mr. Jean argues that because of his diplomatic status as a Roving Ambassador he should be considered as a resident of Haiti.  Here he is using the Vienna Convention to establish his residency status.

By the Vienna Convention, the residency right of the Ambassador does not apply to Wyclef.  Mr. Jean is an honorary ambassador and we should understand the difference between his post and that of his uncle, Raymond Joseph.  He does not represent Haiti to any given Country and that is the difference.  Perhaps I should define what is known by Embassy and Ambassador.  

In addition, I would say that his advisers failed him greatly.  First, if he wanted to do more for Haiti, he should have run for Mayor of Croix-Des-Bouquets and prove himself.  By contrast, we have lowered the ladder of the presidency so low that anybody is thought to be presidential in Haiti.  It’s a shame what is going on back home in Haiti.  As I said in my prior articles and I will say it again; the electoral process in Haiti has become a joke and the presence of Sweet Micky and Wyclef Jean amongst others is living proof of it.

As hard as it is for me to say, I must admit that the CEP deserves some credit for foreseeing the danger of a Wyclef’s presidency. One doesn’t have to be genius to know that Wyclef would have introduced a new meaning to Press Conferences if he was president.  Responding to his critics, instead of facing his critics right on, Mr. Jean as president would circulate a rap song to the Press.  I am not inventing this notion but it is logical to say that he would respond to his critics in form of a song or, perhaps I should say, in rapping.  Come on give me a break; is this what Haiti deserve? This is a country not a backyard.

The best advice to Mr. Jean is to quit his bid for Haiti’s president and start working on repairing his image.  You can’t have it both ways, Mr. Jean.  Lose the mic and the guitar should you want to be taken seriously; and avoid having to response to your critics by rapping.  I would also advice him to write a song entitled “I don’t have to be president to help my fellow countrymen” as his punishment for embarrassing the country and the citizens of Haiti.

 We should also not ignore the fact that the notion of a Wyclef and Sweet Micky’s candidacy is not without merit.  This is a domino effect reflecting on the leadership inside Haiti’s political arena.  Given, we have elected Préval twice; does that mean we should keep going down the ladder? Are we to go back to Tonton Nord’s era?  This is not the time to play around especially in this post earthquake era. 

By: Edrys Erisnor

       Political Scientist

       Edrys.erisnor@gmail.com

Yet another tragedy awaits Haiti

What a year it has been for Haiti, 2010, that is. Early on, she was hit by Mother Nature in what is seen as the biggest tragedy in the Americas in recent memory, losing over 250,000 people in the earthquake of January 12th; a merely 9 months later, an epidemic of cholera intertwined with tropical storm Tomas, killing more than 1000 combined. Now, Haiti is poised to embark in yet another tragedy, but one that is avoidable.

In less than two weeks, Haiti will hold presidential and parliamentary elections; elections that Social Scientists, Political Experts and political pundits of all sectors concurred to be the most important elections in years to be held in Haiti. It is our hope that these elections will go forward peacefully and Haitians, including the international community, should have an open minded attitude that these elections will not be perfect and there is no reason we should expect them to be so; however, whatever the outcome of these elections, Haiti deserves a break from going through one nightmare to another. We should avoid any political stalemate and try to accept the outcome of these elections however difficult it might be; but allowing a political stalemate would simply imply dismissing the sufferings of the Haitians.

This is not implying or advocating for electoral fraud. This would not be the remotest possibility of the truth. This is about looking at the bigger picture and thinking out of the box. With so much going on in Haiti, so much to do to better the lives of the Haitians, we have a duty as citizens and friends of Haiti to stand together after these elections. A political stalemate would be a disservice to Haiti and it would undoubtedly shift focus off Haiti.

Imagine a scenario where the world gets tired of Haiti’s nonsense political controversies and shifts it focus to other needy people. With the world community out of Haiti, the country will be left alone to die. There is no reason to believe otherwise, for in these times of turbulence, we have seen the eagerness of the world to help; we have had financial pledges from most governments of the world except our own. We have no reason to believe that these individuals back home really understand the magnitude of Haiti’s problems, nor should we remotely think that in the absence of the world community, these guys would not have resigned from their official duties and that includes the office of the presidency.

The world rallied and continues to rally behind supporting Haiti; let’s give them a reason to stick around or to put up with our usual nonsense. Already, we have the so-called leaders waiting to sabotage and contest these elections. The Haitian people need to stand united against this irrelevant clan of the population, for it must be clear by now that these elections are the beginning of a new Haiti. November 28th is decision day; it is to either choosing between going forward or backward and the decision is only ours to make.

Haiti seems to always fail to seize its moment. This is Haiti’s time to rethink its future; a future which I might remind you that is heavily relies on these scheduled elections. So let’s not continue to further shame ourselves in these times of needs. For too long, we have blamed others for our misery, though history would not be too harsh on this claim, we have to bare some responsibilities for our failures to better the lives of the Haitians. At times, people doubt our love for this country. It is not a matter of loving Haiti. I believe that Haitians love Haiti enough but could it be that we love it so much that we don’t know how to care for it?

One important thing we can do in helping to resuscitate Haiti is to encourage a massive get out the vote, and that way, we would avoid a possible run off and set Haiti off to the era of prosperity. Otherwise, to borrow a phrase from one of my prior articles, a win for candidate X could very well be a loss for Haiti; and the question becomes, can Haiti afford another loss in any shape or form?

In the event that we see beyond our misgivings of each others and avoid a political stalemate after the elections, Haiti will be applauded and the world would be more enthuse to help and invest in Haiti. We have nothing to gain and everything to lose in elections contesting. So let’s show the world that once again we are the true sons and daughters of Dessalines and united we will prevail.

Edrys Erisnor is a Political Analyst

 

http://haitiantimes.com/view/full_story/10370353/article-Yet-another-tragedy-awaits-Haiti?



Read more: Haitian Times - Yet another tragedy awaits Haiti

Haiti vs Brain Drain

The state of the State of Haiti is so complex that it requires profound knowledge of its history to understand its current image. As early as the late 1940's, intellectual Haitians have turned to other countries, either voluntarily or forcibly, in search of a better life or higher salaries; and in so doing, Haiti has become the greatest victim of what Social Scientists referred to as "Brain Drain", losing skilled people to other countries. Considering the number of intellectual Haitians who are living outside the world of Haiti, one must wonder, what if they have stayed home and what difference it would have made?
 
A great assess for success of a country is certainly a strong intellectual class, however, Haiti is lacking such a class. For our purpose here, the intellectual class is composed of Educators, Doctors, Lawyers, Social Scientists, Journalists, Businessmen, Scientists, and Economists and so on. It is believed that, because of the gap between the haves and haves not, the knowledgeable and the not so knowledgeable, and on top of that, the irrepressible problem poses by Brain Drain, Haiti has become a country of profiteering and leaderless. There are those who believe that there is actually an intellectual class in Haiti but it has been silenced and secluded itself from the affairs of the country. I believe that it would be selfish if such a class existed and allowed itself to witness the dying of a country right before its eyes. It is an alleged reason to believe that such a class existed for I believe that the intellectual class of Haiti is actually living outside the world of Haiti and this class must be approached in order for any dramatic changes to take place in Haiti.
 
The Brain Drain phenomenon creates a vacuum in Haitian society and thereby allows Haitian "leaders" to lead the country without a real challenge of opposition to their mediocre political agendas. These "leaders" have too often focused on their own interest rather than that of Haiti. It is just about time to get rid of the politics of self-interest and launch a campaign behind the politics of national interest. We must get out of the clouds that embedded our views for the well being of this beautiful Island. It is not daring to claim that we too, Haitians, have big dreams for our country and we should not therefore be afraid to talk about ending poverty in Haiti. We too can talk about health care for our Haitian counterparts; we too can talk about job training for our people who are desperately in need and to say the least, we too can talk about improving our public safety, education and justice for all. And on the contrary, one would argue how could we do it all when we cannot even provide our people its most inalienable rights, which are the rights to life, to be fed, sheltered, and educated and to live in a safety environment?
 
To make it probable, we ought to welcome our fellow professional Haitians back to the mother land. These professionals, or as they are called, the victims of the Brain Drain phenomenon, are part of the reasons why Haiti is trailing behind the developing world. Professional Haitians who are living outside the world of Haiti are potential resources in the quest for change in Haiti. In other words, they are essential tools in order for any dramatic changes to take place in Haiti. If given a chance, we will witness a mammoth of progress inside Haiti. One should not be reluctant to claim that the Brain Drain phenomenon is indeed a cause of the growing problems inside Haiti. Without a doubt, Brain Drain is a terrible factor and a menace to Haiti's development. Has it not been for Brain Drain, I strongly believe that Haiti would have been in a much better position instead of what the world shamefully refers to as the poorest country in the western hemisphere.
 
In the absence of a strong intellectual class, no nations can acclaimed the reputation of being a developed country. The intellectual class of a society is its watchdog, making sure that everything works out according to the norms, regulations and laws of the land; and such is not the case in Haiti. The Brain Drain phenomenon has and continues to be a threat to Haiti's well being. Currently, the youths of Haiti, who are indeed the future of the country, have one thing in common. No, it's not their love for Haiti. It is the wish of getting a visa for any destination away from Haiti and to never step foot back. After graduating from High School, most Haitians would stop attending school because they don't see why bother studying when there is absolutely no hope to do so, though they are willing to continue their studies. Have you ever wondered why foreign embassies require that visa seekers be educated? This is their way of saying, if you're coming to my country; you should be able to contribute one way or the other to the well being of my society. So when we fail to give hope to the youths of Haiti, we can only expect to see them leaving the country and to never step foot back. Thus we must ask ourselves, what would it take for Haitians to stay home?
 
The greatest challenge is already solved. Haitians love Haiti, especially those who have left it have come to appreciate it more after leaving. I have never seen a people so attached to their country as Haitians, even in the face of poverty, humiliation and so many negativities. Give me security, a good education, jobs, and a sense of belonging and I will stay home. This is the cry in Haiti. Haitian authorities would have to create a policy or an environment that would encourage Haitians to stay home. Focus must be placed on educating the people as a whole and revamping the school system by emphasizing on a strong civic education, giving hope to the people and security that would attract foreign investors. For Haitians to stay home, they must not be treated as statistical numbers but as individual of importance.
 
Those who have become victims of Brain Drain are hoping to be able to return home and contribute to the effort of rebuilding Haiti. It is the government's responsibility to create conditions that would pave the way for a massive return of intellectual Haitians to Haiti. We have sadly come to a point where Haitians are afraid of vacationing in Haiti. This is the last straw and Haitian authorities must take appropriate actions to regain the trust of Haitians in the Diaspora.

http://goarticles.com/article/Haiti-vs-Brain-Drain/481972/

Leaders of Haiti, Is There Any?

Leaders of Haiti, is there any? This question would have been irrelevant have I asked it during the thirty years before February 7, 1986. The notion of Haitian leaders was very much a delusion during the era of the Duvaliers. Under the leadership of the Duvaliers, anyone who attempted to raise concerns or talk against the regime would most likely be disappeared in the middle of the night, killed or tortured; and if they were lucky enough, they would have been forced into exile. Today, February 7, 2007, 21 years after the deposed of President Jean Claude Duvalier, what have we accomplished?
 
With President Duvalier out of the country, a wave of "leaders" emerged in Haiti; they are what I refer to as "Passive Leaders". Many critics argue that the deposed of President Duvalier was not, in any ways, a result of leadership among Haitians. Others even argue that it wasn't the Haitians who deposed the president but the United States government. In the midst of all that, where does the truth lay? Let it be reminded that the movement against President Duvalier, which has come to be known as Dechoukay, began in early 1985. The movement was not a result of any leader or leaders but the will of a tired, over abused people against a do nothing president. It was an ad hoc movement. The Haitians became their own leaders for they led the movement through their music, arts, paintings, churches and even pirated radio shows.
 
As a clever people, the heirs of Vertieres knew how powerful the regime was but, they equally knew that the will of a well determined nation for freedom cannot wait. The strategy was to have all cities, suburbs, villages and communities throughout the country to rise against the regime. Proven historically, Haitians have one powerful weapon which they rarely use; and when they do, they become unstoppable. This weapon is their togetherness. It took three deaths to witness this powerful weapon in action. It was not until November 28, 1985, following the deaths of Jean Robert Sius, Daniel Isaac and Marc-Enson Michelle, all students killed by the tonton macoutes in Gonaives that the Haitian people totally united against the president and his associates. Together, the Haitians did put an end to the Duvaliers' empire in Haiti.
 
Shortly after the deposed of the president emerged the so-called "Passive Leaders". They came from all over the world; some of them were the ones forced into exile and others were simply ordinary Haitians living abroad. These were groups of individuals with their own ideologies aiming at the National Palace. The whole purpose of their returning to Haiti was to succeed President Duvalier. Such people cannot be called "Leaders". Notice that for anyone to become a leader, the following statement must be justified: Someone becomes a leader, if (and only if) he/she becomes the will of the people to be led. Is there such a character in the Haitian political arena? Some would aptly argue that President Jean Bertrand Aristide could be described as such. Is he still the hero of the 1990's?
 
Furthermore, the "Passive Leaders" were put to a test; a test where they had a chance to prove themselves and they frankly flunk the test. This test was the deposed of President Jean Bertrand Aristide by the Haitian Army in 1991. Which one of these "leaders" condemned the military coup? Has anyone of them stood up to defend the will of the people? They were instead quiet, hoping that Mr. Cedras, the then Army Chief, would call upon one of them to succeed President Aristide. This proves the lack of leadership that existed and continues to exist in Haiti. The silence of the Haitian "Leaders" during the 1991 coup d'état against President Aristide was the biggest disappointment in Haitian politics of the 1990's. After all, a leader has all the rights to oppose Aristide, however, how in the world could one call himself a leader when he opposes to the will of the people to be led?
 
The main goal of the "Passive Leaders" is to become president. They are not interested in being a senator, deputy, mayor, ambassador or even a judge. They want to hold the highest office of the land. As my late grand mother used to joke, "en chaque Haitien, il y a un president" (there is a president in each Haitian). We need to change this mentality and start working together for a better Haiti. It is an ego and a presidential sickness. Now that we are four years away to our next presidential election, none of the so-called "Leaders" is working toward helping the ordinary people or involving in programs that would benefit the Haitian people; they are rather busy preparing their speeches for the upcoming presidential election of 2010.
 
As a result of this lack of leadership and because the movement against President Duvalier was so spontaneous, I frankly believe that Haitians were not readily prepared for the eventual post Duvalier era. Because the uprooting of the president was not planned, Haitians failed to foresee the aftermath of Duvalier; and unfortunately, chaos was nicknamed democracy after the deposed of the president. Nowadays, a great number of Haitians argue that Haiti would have been better off had President Duvalier stayed. Such an argument is understandable because Haitians are truly becoming more and more desperate and helpless than ever. However, this is not an argument that I am ready to support. As we say in Haiti, "qui n'avance pas récule" (who does not advance moves back). This is my position when it comes to describing the post Duvalier era in Haiti. A vivid example is the State of Iraq. A recent survey reveals that more than 70% of Iraqis argue that Iraq was better off under Saddam Hussein. Due to the situation in Iraq, it is easy to understand why some people would argue as such. Does that turn Saddam Hussein into a hero? It is far from that, nonetheless, the day to day nightmare forces the people of Iraq to look back at the relative calm under Saddam Hussein; and that can also be said about Haiti.
 
Twenty one years after the deposed of President Duvalier, Haitian should now be focused on moving forward not looking backward. Instead, we have to rethink our way of behaving toward elected governments in Haiti. Rather than taking to streets and advocate the overthrowing of an elected government, we need to emphasize on taking to the polls and unseat a do nothing government. In a democracy, if taking to the streets and advocate the overthrowing of an elected, sometimes selected, president was allowed, a certain George W Bush would have joined the ex-presidents' club. This is to say, hypothetically, if it occurs that President Preval is unable to fullfil his promises, we should voice our concerns but taking to the streets and advocate his overthrowing should not be an option.
 
The people's choice is very narrow when it comes to choosing a leader. The faces are the same since 1986. We need to broaden the choices of the people by bringing in new faces and new ideas that would eventually bring relief to the people and positive results to the political crisis that we are all fed up with. We are evidently neither ready to claim that we have leaders in Haiti nor can we rightly argue that there isn't any; however, we can definitely argue that there is a lack of leadership in Haiti. The question to ask follows: where do we go from here? Let me be the first to say that there isn't anything that the Haitian people cannot accomplish. We simply have to find a common cause and pursue it. That's what we did in November 1803 in Vertieres and most recently, February 7, 1986, April 20, 1990 (the crossing of the Brooklyn bridge, NYC, march against the stereotype of Haitians as the originators of the HIV virus) and frankly December 16, 1990 (the first democratic presidential elections held in Haiti).

http://goarticles.com/article/Leaders-of-Haiti-Is-There-Any/483470/

Haiti’s Mid-Term Elections Fiasco

Not so surprisingly, at least to me, Haiti’s recent mid-term Senatorial elections add up to the already fragile situation of this Caribbean nation of nine million souls. Now that the votes are being tabulated under the radar of a CEP that has become synonym of incompetence or unpatriotic, I am afraid that the worst is yet to come. To say the least, our system of governance has collapsed as a whole; from the inability of the president to govern to the lack of judgment of the body of the Electoral Council.

Over and over, it has been proven that Haitian voters do know when to come out to vote. When you have a president who lacks the wisdom to govern, a CEP which is out for revenge, a starving people with a wait and see attitude, having credible elections would be wishful thinking. What happened on Sunday April 19 is nothing than voter fatigue, pure and simple. Yes there was some boycotting of the elections by the Fanmi Lavalas party, but that alone could not have forced a population to stay home and not participate.

Ironically, on the eve of the elections, it was as if an SOS was launched warning the population of a hurricane that was about to hit Haiti in 24 hours. People were out shopping for food, batteries, flash lights and, in some cases, the less fortunate would be buying candles as they did not know how long they would stay in house arrest.

A ghost town, that’s how I would describe Port-au-Prince on Sunday April 19t as I was getting ready to catch my flight to JFK. I saw travelers coming to the airport by dragging their luggage from as far as the eye can see since there was no public transportation. Yes indeed, traffic was a breeze in Port-au-Prince for a rare moment. The vicinity of the airport was empty and even the food vendors were out of sight. How can you have elections when voters are afraid to step out of their doors? Boy, I can’t wait to see who would be the first audacious to validate this fiasco.

There is always a belief that our “leaders” are either incapable or unwilling to free Haiti of its current state. Having been through so much political nightmares in recent years, there are absolutely no viable reasons why the CEP would put Haiti on the brink of another political controversy by dismissing a political party or excluding the people from exercising their rights to choose a leader of their choice.

It is so irrational to have dismissed Fanmi Lavalas from the mid-term elections. Dismissing Fanmi Lavalas was an invitation to confrontation. However, what the CEP has failed to notice is that they are victims of their own foolishness. If there is anything good that comes out of these elections by dismissing Fanmi Lavalas, it is that the CEP’s action has revitalized the idea that Haiti is not ready to move on without the participation of Jean Bertrand Aristide. It is a political fact that may not sits well with a lot of us, but the fact remains that Fanmi Lavalas is both part of the problem and the solution of Haiti’s political future. Dismissing Fanmi Lavalas was also an attempt to destabilize the country and, if anybody does not understand that to be a fact, s/he does not understand Haitian politics.



It is also a lack of leadership on the part of the government and, for that matter, the president himself. Our president is too easy going. He should have stepped up and demand that Fanmi Lavalas be included in the elections and that would have put aside any controversies that would eventually arise. Unlike Préval, I would like to believe that the right to vote is not only a civic duty but an obligation, especially in a young democracy such as ours. This is another example of the kind of mishaps we have in our political system.

Going forward, we need to overhaul the CEP and, if people have to be jailed, so be it since they were so irresponsible in doing the work of the people for the people. In American we say that the buck stop with the president.

Edrys Erisnor is a political scientist

 

http://haitiantimes.com/view/full_story/2473795/article-Haiti%E2%80%99s-Mid-Term-Elections-Fiasco--



Read more: Haitian Times - Haiti’s Mid Term Elections Fiasco

A Look Back At History

Haiti, the world’s first Black Republic, the second in the Americas, has been referred to many names such as, “La Perle des Antilles, Quisqueya, Bohio, Hispaniola ect. It would be inconclusive to talk about Haiti without mentioning the Republic of France.

After being a Spanish colony, beginning in 1492 with the arrival of Christopher Columbus and, as a result of the War of the Grand Alliance (1688-1697), the eastern part of Hispaniola was traded to France under the treaty of Ryswick in 1697 and renamed Saint-Domingue.

After the annihilation of the native Indians of Ayiti by the Spaniards, it became clear that a new class of laborers be introduced in the Island. As Hispaniola was in a desperate need of alternate means to improve the local economy, Bishop Bartolome de las Casas, a Dominican priest, who later became a champion in defending the rights of the Indians to exist, has suggested the importation of African laborers to work on the plantation and mine fields. It is important to note that Bishop Bartolome, early in his career, have benefited greatly from the encomienda system (a royal granting of land and serfs, Indians), especially after the conquer of Cuba by the Spaniards for his contribution to the war. This suggestion of importing slaves from Africa was a low point in his career; in fact, it was very impolitic for he was so much focused on finding ways to free the enslaved Indians that he failed to notice that righteous cannot come from two wrongs. Nicolás de Ovando, who became the first Governor of Haiti, took the suggestion and first ordered four thousand African slaves, from Europe, to be sent to Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica at a thousand per Island. By the year 1518, the very first shipload of enslaved Africans directly from Africa arrived in the West Indies. It should be noticed that prior to 1518, the enslaved Africans were being sent to Europe.

By the late 1690’s, the French had total control of Saint-Domingue. For Saint-Domingue to become the richest colony in the world, it was instrumental that the slave trade be at its peak. Dragging from Africa to Saint-Domingue, the slaves were packed like sardines in a can. This inhuman behavior became an uncompromising and profitable trade, a way of earning cash; that was the worst trade of humanity; it was a slave trade, the selling of human beings. This was the horrendous path by which Haitians, formerly Africans, arrived in Haiti. The male slaves were planter, laborers and the females were mostly used as sex objects. Wasn’t that cruel? Most of the slaves were beaten to death, raped and forced to work the land from dust till dawn. Gender did not really make a difference. The rebelling slaves suffered the most; they were killed a number of ways. One of them is what I called the “Balding Head Syrup”. This practice was done as follow: the master would force the rebelling slave to dig up a hole of his size so that the body can fit into it. The master would then order another slave to shave the head of the rebelling slave. The rebelling slave would then be forced into the hole; with a hairless head, the master would pour hot boiled syrup on it. The entire body would be immerged under ground, leaving the “Balding Head Syrup” for flies, roaches and all kinds of insects to enjoy it. When death occurred, usually one to two days later, the head would then be covered with soil. This was an atrocious way to be killed. Was this type of killings justified? Has slavery ever been justified? These are tough and important questions that we must ask ourselves.

After years of oppression, turmoil and abuses, the slaves have revolted against their French masters. They sought not only the Independence of Saint-Domingue, but complete freedom of the entire Black population. The Revolution of Saint-Domingue started by a gathering led by Voudou priest named Boukman, a slave from Jamaica. This gathering has come to be known as the “Ceremonie du Bois Caiman”, named after the village in which the gathering took place. At this ceremony, the slaves prayed their gods for their liberation from the savages.

It was not until August 26, 1789, which marked the date of the Declaration of the Rights of Man in France that the slaves have totally revolted against their masters. If the French could have equal rights to life, liberty and freedom, so could the slaves. That was the focus point behind the revolution. For some people, the revolution of French Saint-Domingue was like a volcano waiting to be erupted. The Declaration of the Rights of Man by the French National Assembly in August 26, 1789 was the green light to the volcano. The slaves fought vigorously and triumphantly for their freedom. Some of the slaves’ leaders were Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Henry Christophe et.al.

Led by Toussaint Louverture in 1791, the Revolution of Saint-Domingue briefly reduced the importation of African slaves; however, it was not until Independence Day that the slaves were totally emancipated. Sending troops to Haiti to capture Toussaint was Napoleon’s biggest and the most unforgettable mistake. Enslaving Toussaint did not bring success to the French’s cause; it rather brought an economic burden, such as the necessary selling of Louisiana to the Americans. On his way to exile, leaving behind his beloved land, Toussaint said the following: “In overthrowing me, you have only cut down in Saint-Domingue the trunk of the tree of liberty of the Blacks; it will spring up again from the roots for the roots are profound and numerous. What did he mean by that? Did the French have any clues as to what he was talking about? By cutting down the head of the palm tree, which is a symbol of freedom for Haitians, the French had no idea as to what the roots would have become. Toussaint knew exactly what he was saying.

Amongst the roots was the marvelous and courageous Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Dessalines, the bravest of them all, the executioner, was the one that even the Frenchmen’s dog would bark out his name. The other slaves called him the brave. While fighting the enemy, he stood firmly inside a fort and said to his troops “I want to keep with me only the braves. Those of you who want to remain slaves of the Whites (Frenchmen) can exit the fort and those, in the contrary, who want to live as free men come around me. Koupé tèt boulé kay (cut down theirs heads and burn down their houses). Liberty or Death”. That was Dessalines at his best.
Under the leadership of Toussaint L'ouverture, Dessalines led many successful battles, such as the Battle of Crête-à-Pierrot. After the capture of Toussaint in 1802, Dessalines became the leader of the revolution. The revolutionary war of Saint-Domingue was, perhaps, the bloodiest of all wars. In fact, people were butchered down, hung and poisoned. After a number of wars, guerillas and conspiracies, Dessalines and his troops have eventually destroyed the French troops, sent by Napoleon under the leadership of General Rochambeau, at the Battle of Vertières in 1803.

After the battle of Vertières, Dessalines has declared Haiti’s independence on January 1, 1804. After winning the Independence war, Dessalines met with the heroic leaders and called upon Boirond-Tonnerre to write the Declaration of Independence of the newly Republic, which was then changed from French Saint-Domingue to Haiti. A few lines of Haiti’s Declaration of Independence by Boiron Tonnerre follow: “In order to write the Declaration of our Independence, we ought to have the skin of a White man (Frenchman) for parchment, his skull for inkstand, his blood for ink and a bayonet for pen”. Dessalines was then chosen by a council of generals (blacks and mulattos) to assume the office of Governor-General. Nine months later, he proclaimed himself Emperor Jacques 1er in September 1804 and ruled Haiti until his assassination on October 17, 1806.

Even after being devastated by wars, yet Haiti was the biggest and richest crop growing country in the world. This country was not always the poorest and the most ignored of the Western Hemisphere. Historian who studied Haiti would proudly argue that it was the fastest economy growing Caribbean Country of the 19th century and a nation full of pride. Today, Haiti is sadly begging to retain its sovereignty.

http://www.articleslash.net/News-and-Society/162879__A-Look-Back-At-History.html

Haiti's Political Parties-Why So Many

Over two hundred years have passed since its Independence, and Haiti remains trailing behind the developing world. Now that we have entered a new and strange phase in Haiti, perhaps the lowest ever, from sporadic kidnappings, murders, to a society of lawlessness, should we sit and wait for solutions from a dubious International Community? Or should we be seeking our own solutions to our existing problems? The country that used to be the model for freedom lovers now finds itself in a different kind of a struggle, a struggle where poverty, public safety, education and unemployment become the core enemy of its inhabitants.

What should we do to eradicate Haiti’s rampant problems? Where should we begin? Or should we even bother? Others, including myself, would argue that, amongst other things, Haiti’s political party system is a menace to its political stability. Thus, we cannot turn our backs on Haiti. We must help control and reduce the problems of Haiti.

The land of Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Mackandal, after all, my land has amassed so much unsolved political mysteries that I frequently wonder where to start in the process of solving its dilemmas. Though I find it difficult to pinpoint the real reasons behind Haiti’s troubles, to not attempt to seek possible solutions is adding to its misery. I would say that one of the reasons why Haiti is trailing behind the developing world is the weakness of its political party system. In fact, it seems that Haiti’s political party system has greatly contributed to its current stalemate.

Following the fall of President Jean-Claude Duvalier, political parties have mushroomed throughout the country. Haitian “leaders” from all over the world, especially from the U.S, France and Canada invaded the streets of Port-au-Prince hoping to succeed Duvalier. It was a “marathon” to the presidency. Such an attitude was then understandable for there was a vacuum in the Haitian political system. However, I’m afraid that it continues till today. To mock the people, the word on the streets of Haiti was then “no more presidents for life”. While the “leaders” are calling for changes and “saying” no to president for life, they are elected for life within their own political parties. Isn’t this ironic? We can take RDNP/Lesly F. Manigat, MDN/Hubert Deronceray, and KONAKOM/Victor Benoit as examples of leaders who are elected for life within their political parties. It is a presidential ego that is driving them so blindly that nobody seems to notice the outcry of the Haitians to the political party system. The truth is such that these “leaders” would take a five years sabbatical from the public after loosing a presidential election, however, if there’s a coup d’état, they would resurface hoping to be offered the presidency.

I truly am certain that these “leaders’” sole purpose is winning a presidential election. There is no evidence to support the contrary. These aforementioned “leaders” could have been remarkable lawmakers or great mayors but, in Haiti, there is a myth about the presidency. One has to become president to prove his patriotism or to prove what he can do for the Republic. Having said this, I would argue that political party reform is necessary and must take place in Haiti for we cannot let such a weak and poorly organized system decide on the future of the country. I mention the future of the country because; I believe that, the well-being of Haiti is fundamentally rest on the direction taken by its political party system. It is also true for long term political stability to take place in Haiti. In fact, long term political stability in Haiti is contingent upon a complete political party reform. The current system is problematic and an invitation to voting flaws and chaos as it has been proven to be so. The question becomes why so many Parties?

There are more than sixty-seven political parties in a country of approximately eight and a half million souls. This is a staggering number that tends to grow daily. Though successfully organized, the last presidential election in Haiti proved the weakness of the political parties to compete. Among 34 candidates running for the office of the presidency in February 2006, 33 of them ranked on the bottom 13% of the vote tallied. What this is suggesting is that a win for President Preval could very well be a loss for Haiti, that is to say, in the absence of a strong political process, the winner is deemed to be irrelevant. Because of so many candidates, the political process becomes a joke and, quite frankly, most Haitians are not willing to laugh at Haiti’s sadness; and so they would stay home and not participate in the electoral process. As such, the legitimacy of the vote will always be questioned. Whereas, has there been a three to four political party system, the electorates would have had a greater influence in choosing the highest authority figure of the land.

As Haiti tries to get back on track, with the new elected government of Preval/Alexis, there isn’t a better time to challenge the political party system of Haiti. This government should make political party reform one of its priorities in order for political stability to take place in Haiti. Sadly, in Haiti, if one disagrees with all of the existing political parties, he will gather a few friends, sometimes reactionaries, and form his political party. This practice is unacceptable and it must be stopped. Most of Haiti’s political parties are frankly what is known to be organization of peers and associates rather than political parties. We must set a clear difference between a political party and an organization of gangsters. A political party entails broad wisdom instead of the savoir-faire of a few narrow minded individuals whose sole purposes are trying to earn a living and winning a presidential election. When engaging in politics is no longer viewed as a way of earning a living, the number of Haiti’s political parties will be dramatically declined. What I’m suggesting here is that, when life becomes unbearable in Haiti, one forms a political party as a way of dealing with the hardship of life. This practice cannot be continued for it will ruin the country to the point of no return and we must therefore call for a complete political party reform in Haiti.

An alternative could be a Three Grand National Political Party System. As I attempt to address the problem of Haiti’s political party system, I would suggest the following 3 parties as an alternative to the current brouhaha:
1- LAVALAS
2- CONVERGENCE DEMOCRATIC
3- INDEPENDENT (including the group of 184)
As the principle political actors of Haiti, both LAVALAS and the CONVERGENCE DEMOCRATIC have proven to be well known, competitive and dominant. What is left to do is naming an Independent party. I would further argue that the group of 184 is perfectly fit to become the Independent party of Haiti. With these changes in place, Haitian “leaders” would be forced to depersonalize the political parties and work together by putting forth concrete ideas to better their respective parties. It would be excited to see Haitian “leaders” competing with each others in primaries within their own parties, wouldn’t it? At one point, when the Convergence Democratic emerged, I have sensed a change in the direction of the political party system in Haiti; but the vision of this group was far from what I propose above for the idea behind it was not for the love of Haiti but the hatred of Aristide. Anyone who followed Haitian’s politics of the past decade would concur that these 3 political entities combined would easily claim about 85% of the Haitian electorates, thus any other parties would be seen as a lesser figure in Haitian politics.

Is such a proposition realistic in Haiti? Some of us would be apt to argue that Haitians are not capable of working together for they are not trustworthy when it comes to defending the interest of Haiti. Nevertheless, I believe that we can go beyond our misgivings of each others and work together in the interest of Haiti. Should it be exactly my proposition? Absolutely not, but we must agree that Haiti’s political party system is in a dire need for reform.

Political party reform is a necessary endeavor that sooner or later must take place in Haiti seeing that the consequences of it not taking place are greater than we could imagine. The road to a political party reform in Haiti is not at all trouble-free; however, we cannot afford standing, hoping for a miracle from outsiders, while the country is draining away. Haiti is loudly crying for help and it will take courage, discipline, leadership, responsibility and sacrifices to meet its needs. As citizens of this lost paradise, it is our civic duty to put aside our political differences, come forward and launch a crusade behind political party reform in Haiti. We must fearlessly and vehemently come together and demand that our political party system be reformed, and to do the contrary, is simply saying “hell” to the spirits of our ancestors.

http://www.articleslash.net/News-and-Society/162884__Haiti-s-Political-Parties-Why-So-Many.html